Limites do crescimento e colapso

O estudo de Donella Meadows et al. sobre os limites do crescimento (Limits to Growth), de 1972, permanece um cenário computacional válido. Se no trabalho original publicado em 1972, a poluição e o crescimeto industrial aparecem como as principais causas de um colapso do crescimento exponencial da humanidade, na revisão de 2023 há uma 'recalibração', tornada possível por uma melhor aquisição de dados empíricos essenciais ao modelo, da qual resulta a conclusão de que a causa da mudança do cenário de crescimento exponencial para um cenário de colapso será a escassez de recussos essenciais, nomeadamente energéticos. O crescimento industrial global está a perder claramente fôlego, mas as consequências deletérias da poluição demorarão algum tempo mais a confluir com a dinâmica de colapso do sistema. 

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Recalibration of limits to growth: An update of the World3 model

Arjuna Nebel, Alexander Kling, Ruben Willamowski, Tim Schell

First published: 13 November 2023

https://doi.org/10.1111/jiec.13442

Abstract

After 50 years, there is still an ongoing debate about the Limits to Growth (LtG) study. This paper recalibrates the 2005 World3-03 model. The input parameters are changed to better match empirical data on world development. An iterative method is used to compute and optimize different parameter sets. This improved parameter set results in a World3 simulation that shows the same overshoot and collapse mode in the coming decade as the original business as usual scenario of the LtG standard run. The main effect of the recalibration update is to raise the peaks of most variables and move them a few years into the future. The parameters with the largest relative changes are those related to industrial capital lifetime, pollution transmission delay, and urban-industrial land development time.

1 INTRODUCTION

The Limits to Growth (LtG) is the name of a study conducted in the late 1960s for the Club of Rome. A group of researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology developed a computer model that simulated some of the world's most important material variables, such as population, food production, resource use, and environmental impact. A total of 12 scenarios were presented in 1972 in the first book of the same name (Meadows et al., 1972). The scenarios cover the period from 1900 to 2100. The authors emphasize that the scenarios are not predictions. Rather, they are intended to illustrate the complex interrelationships within a dynamic system based on exponential growth.

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4.3 Future trends

So far, the results have mainly been considered in comparison with the empirical data for the recalibration. However, the course of the variables is also interesting in terms of future trends. Here, the model results clearly indicate the imminent end of the exponential growth curve. The excessive consumption of resources by industry and industrial agriculture to feed a growing world population is depleting reserves to the point where the system is no longer sustainable. Pollution lags behind industrial growth and does not peak until the end of the century. Peaks are followed by sharp declines in several characteristics.

This interconnected collapse, or, as it has been called by Heinberg and Miller (2023), polycrisis, occurring between 2024 and 2030 is caused by resource depletion, not pollution. The increase in environmental pollution occurs later and with a lower peak (Figure 3).

However, it is important to note that the connections in the model and the recalibration are only valid for the rising edge, as many of the variables and equations represented in the model are not physical but socio-economic. It is to be expected that the complex socio-economic relationships will be rearranged and reconnected in the event of a collapse. World3 holds the relationships between variables constant. Therefore it is not useful to draw further conclusions from the trajectory after the tipping points. Rather, it is important to recognize that there are large uncertainties about the trajectory from then on, building models for this could be a whole new field of research.

The fact is that the recalibrated model again shows the possibility of a collapse of our current system. At the same time, the BAU scenario of the 1972 model is shown to be alarmingly consistent with the most recently collected empirical data.

Herrington (2021) also concluded in her data comparison that the world is far from a stabilized world scenario where the overshoot and collapse mode is brought to a halt. As a society, we have to admit that despite 50 years of knowledge about the dynamics of the collapse of our life support systems, we have failed to initiate a systematic change to prevent this collapse. It is becoming increasingly clear that, despite technological advances, the change needed to put us on a different trajectory will also require a change in belief systems, mindsets, and the way we organize our society (Irwin, 2015; Wamsler & Brink, 2018).

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CONCLUSION

In this paper, the World3 model of the LtG study has been recalibrated to reflect the behavior of empirical data over the last 50 years. For this purpose, 35 parameters of the model were selected and optimized for a selected set of eight different empirical data sets that most closely reflect historical developments. An algorithm was developed to minimize the aggregated NRMSD between the model data and the empirical data using an iterative method. A new scenario with the improved parameter set was presented. Of the original 1972 LtG scenarios, the BAU scenario matches these parameters and the evolution of the variables most closely. Like the BAU scenario of the LtG publication, the new scenario Recalibration23 reflects the overshoot and collapse mode due to resource scarcity. However, the peaks of certain variables are raised and partially shifted into the future.

A causa da guerra

Fé e heresia. Metáfora com duas leituras sobre a lenta e dramática libertação feminista do jugo patriarcal. Nesta escultura de Jules Jourdain, de 1917, o monge Jan van Ruusbroec pisa a cabeça de Heilwige Bloemart (Bloemardine). Esta obra colocada na catedral de São Miguel e Gudula, de Bruxelas, descreve um facto histórico improvável, ressaltando um conflito que fez inúmeras vítimas na Europa medieval e moderna: o da chamada fé contra a dita heresia.

Ao contrário do que parece, os povos não lutam até à morte por questões étnicas, religiosas ou ideológicas. Os povos lutam, se for preciso, até à morte, por recursos e territórios. Sempre foi e sempre será assim. A diplomacia e a política são as formas pacíficas desta luta ancestral. A guerra sangrenta e o terror são as modalidades bárbaras desta realidade biopolítica.

Os russos do psicopata Vladimir Putin lutam pelo petróleo e gás natural que existe em relativa abundância ainda no vasto território conquistado das suas colónias siberianas e do extremo oriente, ao mesmo tempo que impedem ou tentam impedir que outros produtores deste recurso ameacem ou ocupem a sua posição no fornecimento desta fonte energética ainda indispensável às regiões mais produtivas e ricas da Eurásia: Europa Ocidental, Índia e China, onde se encontra mais de 1/3 da população mundial.

Os níveis de endividamento soberano crescem em todo o mundo, da Europa aos Estados Unidos, passando pela China e Índia. As bolhas especulativas, por outro lado, alimentam crescimentos artificiais, hoje perigosamente evidentes na China comunista. Esta deformação dos sistemas económicos leva diretamente às febres do ouro, ou seja, à acumulação de ouro e outros metais e minerais preciosos como garantia dos sistemas financeiros nacionais e regionais, seja pelo lado da procura privada, individual, familiar e corporativa, seja pelo lado dos bancos centrais.

A população mundial continuará a crescer, prevê a ONU, até 2060-80. Depois iniciar-se-à um longo declínio demográfico (envelhecimento e não crescimento), aliás já evidente nalguns países e regiões da Europa e Ásia, de que os casos russo, ucraniano, chinês, sul-coreano, japonês e alemão são especialmente preocupantes. Segundo previsão da ONU, são estes, por ordem decrescente, os vinte países com maior declínio demográfico entre 2020 e 2050: 1-Bulgária, 2-Lituânia, 3-Letónia, 4-Ucrânia, 5-Sérvia, 6-Bósnia e Herzegovina, 7-Croácia, 8-Moldávia, 9-Japão, 10-Albânia, 11-Roménia, 12-Grécia, 13-Estónia, 14-Hungria, 15-Polónia, 16-Geórgia, 17-Portugal, 18-Norte da Macedónia, 19-Cuba, 20-Itália.

Declínio demográfico significa, pura e simplesmente, declínio económico e perda de poder. E a prazo, mudanças estruturais nos modos de vida, tendendo estes para a simplificação, a eliminação de redundâncias e o abandono das atividades e hábitos não essenciais.

E porque as guerras têm uma origem estrutural clara, de que os incidentes e as motivações que as provocam e alimental não passam de ilusões instrumentais, convém reter as causas principais que vêm conduzindo a humanidade para novos e pavorosos conflitos regionais e mundiais: 

— fim da energia barata (o consumo energético per capita mundial tem vindo a decair); 

— pico da taxa de crescimento demográfico mundial em 1964-65, e consequente previsão de um declinio demografico absoluto a partir de 2060-80;

— declínio da taxa de crescimento do PIB mundial, e paragem do crescimento pouco antes ou pouco depois de 2100, recuando porventura para intervalos semelhantes à era moderna pré-industrial.

Por fim, são estes os principais recursos ameaçados: água potável, oceanos, ar puro, terra arável, adubos sintéticos, metais e terras raras.

As perspetivas não são, como se vê, animadoras!

Segue-se um extrato de um artigo do New York Times sobre a nova febre do ouro, desta vez em África, com as suas consequências trágicas...

NYT — President Vladimir V. Putin has long heralded Russian gold mining in Sudan, and his country’s Wagner Group worked with the military and its rivals even before they went to war.

Now that Wagner’s boss is dead killed in a plane crash after his brief mutiny against Russia’s military leaders, the Kremlin has taken over the group’s business and appears to be pursuing gold on either side of the front line, partnering with the R.S.F. in the west and the nation’s army in the east.

The United Arab Emirates is also lighting both ends of the fuse. On the battlefield, it backs the R.S.F., sending it powerful drones and missiles in a covert operation under the guise of a humanitarian mission.

Yet when it comes to gold, the Emiratis are also helping to fund the opposing side. An Emirati company linked by officials to the royal family owns the largest industrial mine in Sudan. It sits in government-controlled territory and delivers a chunk of money to the army’s cash-strapped war machine — yet another example of the dizzying array of alliances and counter-alliances fueling the war.